Ireland could and should join South Africa’s genocide case against Israel

Ireland must make decisions for itself – as a state party to the Genocide Convention, with a responsibility to act to protect humanity

Dr Maeve O’Rourke is a lecturer and Director of the Human Rights Law clinic, at the Irish Centre for Human Rights, School of Law, University of Galway

This article first appeared in the Irish Times, January 10 2024

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) will hear South Africa’s case against Israel under the 1948 Genocide Convention this week.

The emergency hearing, which will be live-streamed, focuses on South Africa’s request for “provisional measures”, including a ceasefire order and an instruction that Israel must halt its deprivation of food, water, fuel, shelter, clothing, hygiene, sanitation, medical supplies and assistance to Palestinian children and adults in Gaza.

South Africa alleges that Israel is committing genocide and failing to prevent or punish the direct and public incitement to genocide by senior Israeli officials and others. To order provisional measures, the ICJ needs to be convinced that at least some of the acts alleged “are capable of falling within the provisions of the convention”.

Any one of the 153 states parties to the Genocide Convention could have brought this case; countries owe their obligations to prevent and punish genocide to every other convention state party.

It is a case that Ireland could and should join. We could formally intervene after this week’s interim hearing to assert our interpretation of the convention’s provisions – as we did in 2022 in Ukraine’s case against Russia. Or we could file a separate case against Israel which the court could choose to add to South Africa’s.

To file our own case against Israel, Ireland would need to be in dispute with Israel over its compliance with the Genocide Convention. A basic first step would be to communicate with Israel that the crime of genocide appears to be occurring or imminent in Gaza, as numerous countries have done.

At the very least, Ireland should issue a statement in support of South Africa’s resort to the ICJ for the purpose of preventing serious international crimes.

Since mid-November, a large group of independent United Nations human rights experts have warned of “a genocide in the making” in Gaza and called for all countries to mobilise the international genocide prevention system.

These 15 special rapporteurs and 21 members of UN working groups have sounded their “alarm over discernibly genocidal and dehumanising rhetoric coming from senior Israeli Government officials, as well as some professional groups and public figures, calling for the ‘total destruction’ and ‘erasure’ of Gaza, the need to ‘finish them all’ and force Palestinians from the West Bank and East Jerusalem in to Jordan”. The independent experts note that “Israel has demonstrated it has the military capacity to implement such criminal intentions”.

Among these UN experts are the two esteemed Irish UN special rapporteurs: Prof Siobhán Mullally MRIA, special rapporteur on trafficking in persons, especially women and children; and Mary Lawlor, special rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has described the situation in Gaza as “apocalyptic”. The UN emergency relief co-ordinator says “Gaza has simply become uninhabitable … while the world watches on”. According to Unicef, the “safe zones” which Israel designates are “tiny patches of barren land, or street corners, or half-built buildings, with no water, no facilities, no shelter from the cold and the rain and no sanitation”.

On January 5th, UN secretary general António Guterres informed the Security Council that ”hunger and thirst are rampant – and widespread famine looms”. Guterres states that an estimated 85 per cent of Palestinians in Gaza are displaced, with more than 60 per cent of homes destroyed. Israel has reportedly killed well over 22,000 people – the large majority children and women – and injured tens of thousands more, including in UN facilities and hospitals and locations announced as “safe”.

Save The Children, meanwhile, highlights that Israel’s indiscriminate bombing has cost more than 10 children per day one or both of their legs.

The Irish Government must offer a more considered response to South Africa’s initiation of ICJ proceedings. It is the least the people of Gaza, and all in Palestine and Israel – whose future depends on peace – deserve.

Last Sunday, Taoiseach Leo Varadkar told RTÉ that the Government has no intention of supporting South Africa’s claim. “Bear in mind what Hamas did on October 7th … Was that not also genocide?” the Taoiseach argued. Referring to the Holocaust, Mr Varadkar cautioned that “this is an area where we need to be very careful”.

Indeed, extreme care is needed when genocide is alleged. That is why the Government and all Oireachtas members should return early from their Christmas recess to debate the facts and law argued by South Africa, and Israel’s responses.

In South Africa’s 84-page legal submissions our Government politicians will find the definition of genocide: “any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) killing members of the group; (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.”

Our politicians will note that South Africa’s legal submissions begin by recognising the gravity of a claim against Israel at the ICJ. These submissions unequivocally condemn and characterise as an atrocity crime under international law the targeting of Israeli civilians and other nationals, and hostage-taking, by Hamas and other Palestinian armed groups. However, rightly, the legal submissions emphasise that genocide is never, ever justified – and that all parties to the Genocide Convention are obliged to act to prevent its occurrence. In them, our politicians will read pages of expressions of intent which have accompanied Israel’s destruction of life and the conditions for living in Gaza. And our politicians will, hopefully, realise that Ireland must make decisions for itself – as a state party to the Genocide Convention and an international law actor in its own right, with a responsibility to act to protect humanity.

There are striking parallels between the present crisis in Gaza and Bosnia in the 1990s.

Professor Shane Darcy, Deputy Director, Irish Centre for Human Rights

This article first appeared in the Irish Times, January 8 2024

There are striking parallels between the present crisis in Gaza and Bosnia in the 1990s. A common feature has been the deliberate displacement of populations, one which raises profound concerns under international law.

In March 1995, a directive issued by Radovan Karadźić, the president of the Republika Srpska, ordered the Bosnian Serb army to “create an unbearable situation of total insecurity with no hope of further survival or life” in Srebrenica, Bosnia. Over the course of four months, the inhabitants were deprived of basic necessities through the deliberate blocking of humanitarian aid convoys.

A military assault by Bosnian Serb forces in July 1995, during which homes and villages were destroyed, caused thousands of Bosnian Muslim civilians to flee Srebrenica. Many sought refuge in a United Nations peacekeepers’ compound in Potočari. Around 30,000 Bosnian Muslims were later forcibly removed from Potočari by forces under the command of General Ratko Mladić.

Both Karadźić and Mladić were eventually convicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and given lengthy prison sentences for their roles in the “ethnic cleansing” in Bosnia, among other atrocities.

Bosnian Serb forces had created a coercive environment in Srebrenica “in which the Bosnian Muslims had no other viable alternative but to leave the enclave in order to stay alive”. The forced removal of civilians from Potočari was “not justified under international law”, the tribunal held.

The United Nations did not prevent these crimes, although the Security Council had been unanimous in its condemnation of serious violations of international law. It demanded the cessation of such conduct and unimpeded delivery of humanitarian aid. During the Balkan crisis, the Security Council imposed sanctions on relevant parties and created the international tribunal with a view to deterrence and accountability.

The contrast with the response of the Security Council to the situation in Gaza could not be starker. Despite the efforts of secretary general António Guterres and a majority of member states, the Security Council has not been able to adopt a resolution calling for a ceasefire. The United States has voted against.

The United States veto, combined with its military, financial and political support for Israel, effectively gives a green light to the continued military assault on Gaza which has already killed tens of thousands of Palestinians and displaced 1.9 million from their homes.

The mass killing of civilians and the taking of hostages on October 7th by Hamas and others does not excuse Israeli violations of international law, just as attacks by Bosnian Muslim forces on Bosnian Serb villages did not justify the actions of the Bosnian Serb army in Srebrenica and Potočari in 1995.

Following the October 7th attacks, the Israeli defence minister Yoav Gallant announced “a complete siege on the Gaza Strip. There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed”.

Despite some humanitarian aid having been allowed to enter since then, there remains a widespread shortage of food, water, fuel and other essentials. Starvation and disease is rife. According to the World Health Organisation director general, “Gaza’s health system is on its knees and collapsing”.

Israeli forces have destroyed over 65,000 housing units in Gaza, as well as swathes of farmland and hundreds of public buildings, including schools, mosques and universities.

Tony Karon and Daniel Levy wrote in The Nationthat this conduct “suggests an intention to make the territory uninhabitable for the 2.2 million Palestinians who live there – and to push for expulsion via a militarily engineered humanitarian catastrophe”.

United Nations experts and Palestinian human rights organisations have been warning of the risks of “ethnic cleansing” in Gaza. Such fears are based not only on what is happening on the ground, but also on various Israeli proposals in circulation, as well as the words of senior politicians and others.

“We are now rolling out the Gaza Nakba”, is how one Israeli minister put it, while another called for “the voluntary resettlement of Palestinians in Gaza, for humanitarian reasons, outside of the Strip”. National security minister Ben Gvir views the war as an “opportunity to concentrate on encouraging the migration of the residents of Gaza” and re-establishing Israeli settlements.

International law as applicable in Gaza is unambiguous on this issue. The Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 prohibits “individual or mass forcible transfers”, as well as deportations from occupied territory to the territory of the Occupying Power or any other country “regardless of their motive”.

Deportations or forcible transfers of populations have been prosecuted as international crimes since Nuremberg. The arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court for president Vladimir Putin concerns the forced transfer of children from Ukraine to Russia. In the context of the deportation of Rohingyas from Myanmar to Bangladesh, the Court has emphasised that a humanitarian crisis created by unlawful activity cannot serve to legitimise displacement of a population.

The International Criminal Court has jurisdiction over Gaza and an active investigation is currently underway. This has not prevented international crimes from taking place, as arrest warrants have yet to be issued. Prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been concerned enough, however, to denounce the investigation as “pure anti-semitism”.

The United States acting unilaterally or through the United Nations has the power to prevent further ethnic cleansing of Gaza. The United States, the European Commission and Egypt have publicly stated that they do not support the forcible relocation of the Palestinians outside of Gaza.

In Srebrenica, the forced removal of the Bosnian Muslim population happened alongside the execution of thousands of men and boys. Such atrocities were found to constitute genocide.

In Gaza, the risk of genocide grows more acute as Israel’s relentless assault continues and the population remains trapped – in addition to the many killed by Israel’s bombing campaign, reports are emerging of extra-judicial executions of Palestinians by Israeli forces.

Unlawfully displacing Palestinians from Gaza is no solution. Those with the power to do so must make every effort to end the conflict, prevent displacement and take the necessary measures to enforce observance of the cardinal rules of international law.