Dr David Keane is a graduate of the Irish Centre for Human Rights’ LLM and PhD programmes, and is currently Assistant Professor of Law at Dublin City University.
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On 23 April 2018, Palestine submitted an inter-State communication against Israel under Article 11 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). Palestine’s communication, almost 350 pages long, alleges a range of Convention violations including the prohibition of apartheid in Article 3 ICERD. Six years on, we are still awaiting a decision from the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD/the Committee). In the meantime, the question of apartheid in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) has arisen also in submissions before the International Court of Justice (ICJ/the Court) in the request for an Advisory Opinion on the Legal Consequences arising from the Policies and Practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem. It seems likely at this point that the ICJ will issue its Advisory Opinion before CERD decides Palestine v Israel. However, apartheid does not form an express part of the question asked of the ICJ, while it has been specifically litigated in Palestine v Israel. As a result, it is not certain the Court’s Advisory Opinion will be able to guide the Committee on this question. This post briefly explores the arguments currently before both bodies in terms of ICERD and apartheid. It concludes that CERD should urgently decide Palestine v Israel if it is not to undermine its inter-State communications mechanism and that of the wider UN treaty bodies.
Article 3 ICERD
Outside of its universal status as a peremptory norm, three treaties address apartheid – ICERD, the 1974 International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid (Apartheid Convention) and the 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Adopted in 1965, ICERD is the first international instrument to condemn apartheid. It remains the only treaty that addresses State obligations in relation to apartheid, with the Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute relating to individual criminal responsibility. It is the most ratified of the three treaties, and with 182 States Parties, the only one with a claim to universality – both Israel and Palestine, as well as all permanent members of the UN Security Council, have ratified ICERD. As Libya posited to the ICJ: ‘The prohibition of racial discrimination and apartheid is reflected most in CERD.’
However, ICERD does not provide a definition of apartheid. As a result, it is offered as the principal treaty source of State obligations, while the Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute provide a potential definition of apartheid and evidentiary standard against which a claim of apartheid may be tested. Indeed, a joint submission by Palestinian NGOs to CERD in 2019 alleging apartheid in the context of Israel’s State report used the Rome Statute definition as a guide. Palestine’s communication in Palestine v Israel takes a similar approach, providing ‘an examination of Israel’s policies and practices against the definition of apartheid in these conventions [Apartheid Convention and Rome Statute] to see whether they meet the criteria laid down for the crime of apartheid’.
In terms of State obligations, Article 3 ICERD reads: ‘States Parties particularly condemn racial segregation and apartheid and undertake to prevent, prohibit and eradicate all practices of this nature in territories under their jurisdiction.’ I have argued elsewhere that Article 3 contains two obligations – a collective obligation to ‘particularly condemn’ racial segregation and apartheid that falls on all States Parties, and an individual obligation to ‘prevent, prohibit and eradicate’ that falls on States Parties with practices of this nature in territories under their jurisdiction. This is how CERD has implemented Article 3. A communication from its first session in 1970 called for information in State reports on ‘Condemnation of racial segregation and apartheid, in accordance with article 3’; it did not address the second limb of Article 3, since practices of apartheid were not under the jurisdiction of any State Party (South Africa would not ratify ICERD until 1998). From 1970-94, CERD required all States Parties to condemn apartheid, which resulted in questioning in the State reporting mechanism on their diplomatic, economic and other relations with what it termed the ‘racist regimes of Southern Africa’, which included South Africa, Namibia and Southern Rhodesia. ‘Other relations’ included any military cooperation, as well as sporting and cultural relations. This body of work must be one of the earliest examples of an erga omnes obligation being applied, as all States Parties to ICERD were systematically examined in relation to violations of the Convention being committed by other States which were not even a party to the treaty.
Apartheid before the ICJ
In its 30 December 2022 request for an Advisory Opinion, the UN General Assembly did not expressly ask the ICJ to consider the issue of apartheid in the OPT. Instead, it reads:
‘What are the legal consequences arising from the ongoing violation by Israel of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, from its prolonged occupation, settlement and annexation of the Palestinian territory occupied since 1967 … and from its adoption of related discriminatory legislation and measures?’
Since apartheid is not a direct part of the request, it is not certain the ICJ will address the issue. Nevertheless, as Palestine submitted in February 2024 hearings: ‘Undoubtedly, apartheid falls within the scope of discriminatory “measures” referred to in the UNGA resolution requesting this advisory opinion’. Palestine’s earlier July 2023 Written Statement to the Court provided a separate section on how Israel’s racial discrimination against the Palestinian people amounts to apartheid. Its October 2023 Written Comments on the Written Statements of other States and organisations further highlighted how 21 of these ‘expressly conclude that Israel is committing apartheid in the OPT’, including two States – Namibia and South Africa – ‘each of which have direct experience and profound understanding of what constitutes an apartheid regime’. In the hearings, Palestine called on the Court ‘to declare that Israel’s discriminatory practices against the Palestinian people are tantamount to apartheid’. It was supported by South Africa, among others: ‘South Africa beseeches this Court to examine the institutionalized régime of discriminatory laws, policies and practices applied by Israel alongside the definition of the crime of apartheid, and to find that Israel subjects Palestinians to what constitutes an apartheid régime’.
Recent blog pieces by Victor Kattan and Kai Ambos have considered the “apartheid claim” before the ICJ notably in relation to the Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute. The significance of ICERD has also been raised, although there has been a lack of clarity as to the exact position of CERD which has come through in some ICJ submissions. Thus, a number of evidentiary sources have been put forward to the ICJ that apartheid exists in the OPT, including the report of the UN Special Rapporteur Michael Lynk, reports by Yesh Din, BT’Selem, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, as well as statements of senior Israeli figures. Some State submissions have cited also CERD in that regard, such as that of The Gambia:
‘Once again, the Court has before it extensive, credible and independent fact-finding demonstrating conclusively that Israel has imposed an apartheid reality in the Palestinian territories. This is clear in the reporting of the United Nations Special Rapporteur, who concluded that “Israel has imposed upon Palestine an apartheid reality in a post-apartheid world”. This is also reflected in the findings of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination.’
Similarly, South Africa considered ‘the reality of apartheid becoming so obviously explicit as to now being recognized, not only by South African and Palestinian victims of apartheid themselves, but by the broader international community, including both Israeli and international human rights organizations’, with the accompanying footnote citing CERD concluding observations to Israel, as well reports by Michael Lynk, Amnesty International and others.
While the UN Special Rapporteur and NGO reports cited have all unambiguously concluded that the situation in the OPT is apartheid, this is not true of CERD. To date, CERD has not found a situation of apartheid exists in the OPT in the State reporting procedure, despite being specifically requested to do so since 2012 by NGOs and civil society in the context of Israel’s report. It has unquestionably found Israel to be in violation of Article 3 ICERD (see here para 24), but since Article 3 refers to ‘racial segregation and apartheid’, and not only apartheid, a violation of this provision does not necessarily entail a situation of apartheid exists. Indeed, CERD members have in the past expressly clarified to Israel that they were not reaching a finding of apartheid (see here paras 42 and 47).
Palestine v Israel
This may in part have motivated Palestine to bring its inter-State communication against Israel in April 2018 – to require CERD to decide the issue, which it has sidestepped in the reporting procedure to date by citing violations of Article 3 without individuating its elements. Palestine’s inter-State communication to CERD is clear, requesting ‘findings to the effect that…Israel’s policies and practices in the occupied territory of the State of Palestine constitute apartheid within the meaning of Article 3 CERD’. Hence, while the Court may address the issue of apartheid, the Committee must do so.
The potential legal consequences of Palestine v Israel relate to Israel and to all States Parties to ICERD. In relation to Israel, Palestine submits that it ‘must dismantle the existing Israeli settlements as a necessary pre-condition for the termination of the system of racial discrimination and apartheid in the occupied territory of the State of Palestine’. The call that Israel must dismantle the existing Israeli settlements is hardly controversial in international law. As early as 1980, UN Security Council Resolution 465 called on Israel ‘to dismantle the existing settlements and, in particular, to cease, on an urgent basis, the establishment, construction and planning of settlements’ in the OPT. But the link between the settlements and racial segregation and apartheid is what CERD is being asked to determine. This was signaled in the 2013 report of the Independent International Fact-finding Mission of the UN Human Rights Council which documented the many rights violations that emanate from the settlements in the OPT, describing also ‘a system of total segregation’ (at para 103).
Palestine further submits to CERD that Third States ‘must not recognize as lawful this illegal situation, nor render aid or assistance in any form in maintaining that situation.’ Obligations on all States Parties can flow from ICERD, as evidenced in CERD practice on apartheid in southern Africa from 1970-94 highlighted above, but also in the more recent use of its early warning and urgent action mechanism in relation to China and Gaza, elements of which were addressed to ‘all States’. However, the Committee has never articulated in detail the ‘all States’ obligations of Article 3.
Although ICERD is silent on time limits to conclude the inter-State communications procedure, relevant Rules of Procedure adopted in April 2022 require completion within a ‘reasonable timeframe’ (discussed here). Now that a two year mark has been passed for the merits phase, and a six year mark for the communication overall, surely the ‘reasonable timeframe’ standard has been exceeded.
Conclusion
The February 2024 hearings before the ICJ illustrate how the issue of apartheid in the OPT has come to the fore. In the hearings on the Wall in January 2004, both South Africa and Namibia contributed written submissions but neither described the situation in the OPT as apartheid (see here and here). Today, both States, ‘victims of apartheid’, have called on the ICJ to recognise the situation in the OPT as apartheid. It is not certain the Court will address the issue, however it would undoubtedly be difficult for it to ignore. ICERD has been cited as one of just three international instruments that expressly address apartheid. For six years, CERD has had before it an inter-State communication of the greatest importance – does apartheid exist in the OPT? And if so, what would be the legal consequences for Israel and for all States Parties to ICERD? It seems likely now that the ICJ Advisory Opinion will inform any outcome in Palestine v Israel, rather than the other way around. This appears a missed opportunity given CERD is the “guardian of the Convention” and best placed to offer a view on obligations it implemented in relation to apartheid for some twenty-five years. In addition, excessive delay may undermine the inter-State communications procedure before CERD and other UN treaty bodies, already little used by States Parties. Palestine v Israel should be informing the Court in its Advisory Opinion determinations. Instead, we continue to wait.